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Writing about GD13 (rei miro) in the glyph dictionary forced me into new thoughts and lead to some valuable insights worth following up further ahead. This is what I wrote:

General introduction:

1. A rei miro pectoral could be designed in several different ways, for example (Heyerdahl 3):

Though often left-right symmetric, asymmetric examples also exist (ref. Heyerdahl 3):

This example furthermore proves that a fish in some way could be equal to the more often found 'ship with two figureheads'.

2. Both rei miro examples have what presumably is meant to indicate a moon sickle incised in their centers. Moon has two sickles - waxing and waning - oppositely oriented (as the figureheads in the first example).

Anciently moon was connected with fishes, sometimes even regarded as a kind of fish. During the days we see the golden sun 'fly' above like a glorious bird, during nights we can see moon swim above like a silvery fish:

... Now birds and fishes are born under the sign of the Yin, but they belong to the Yang. This is why birds and fishes both lay eggs. Fishes swim in the waters, birds fly among the clouds. But in winter, the swallows and starlings go down into the sea and change into mussels ... (Ta Tai Li Chi according to Needham II)

'The strongly curved fish on the chest of the central Tiahuanaco deity is carved in the form of a moonshaped pectoral ...' 

From Posnansky I have copied pictures of the Gateway of the Sun and then enlarged the mentioned pectoral:

'... The prominent place of this crescentic pectoral worn by the supreme [sun] deity is remarkable when we recall that a moon-shaped pectoral was the specific royal emblem worn by the Easter Island kings of allegedly divine descent, who directed all rongo-rongo ceremonies. These crescentic royal pectorals are also among the commonly occurring glyphs in the rongo-rongo script.

On the Tiahuanaco deity, the crescentic pectoral in the shape of a fish is generally considered to symbolize his power over the sea and water, just as the feathers and condor heads show his power over the sky and air.

That the crescentic pectoral of the Easter Island kings have a similar symbolic value seems clearly indicated by the early claim that it represented the ancestral type of boat (Jaussen, 1893, p. 9). ...' (Heyerdahl 4)

3. The boat form - which is seen on most rei miro pectorals - alludes to another idea, that sun and moon are like ships sailing upon the celestial waters.

The sky is blue like the sea and at the distant horizon it can be difficult to distinguish where the sea ends and the sky begins.

4. A boat has two ends, inseparable as the phases of the moon. The moon sickles are like rei mua (the figurehead at the bow) and rei muri (the figurehead at the stern).

The two oppositely oriented moon sickles can be imagined as two differently oriented fishes, yet being one:

At left the '... ING rune, used by the Ingveons, the Cimbrians and the Teutons, which clearly shows how the waxing and waning moon sickles are joined ...'

The two fishes in the middle is a visual representation from the Chimu Indians and at right we have a sign for Pisces. (Ref. Zehren)

A few technical notes:

5. The glyph type GD13 (named rei miro by me due to the usage of Metoro) differs on several points from the wooden rei miro pectorals. First we notice the orientation: GD13 glyphs are raised upright as if they were standing on their (front) ends - not at all looking as if they were sailing on the sea.

Possibly the vertical orientation is partly due to a wish to save horizontal space for the glyphs in the lines of the rongorongo board. Wood was scarce on Easter Island and thoughts of economy may have influenced:

 ...The stone masons who went ashore and began to cut and join enormous blocks of basalt had not reached a barren and grass-covered island where they could drag their enormous monoliths about the plains at will; rather, they first had to cut down trees and clear land to get access to quarries, and to allow freedom of movement for themselves and their monuments ... (Heyerdahl 2)

... I can see no reason why not man and his animals could have succeeded to exterminate practically everything of original nature except the lichens and mosses covering the rocks and a few herbs and grasses ... (Skottsberg according to Heyerdahl 4)

... The toromiro wood was formerly the principal and indispensable material for Easter Island wood carving. Due to the general barrenness of the land at the time of the European arrival, every scrap of drift wood was collected too, but whenever toromiro was available it was preferred for all wooden artifacts, from personal ornaments and images to house frames, canoes and paddles.

The demand for this wood among the natives was so great that the forests in more recent generations have been rapidly vanishing, and partly substituted by the imported miro tahiti... Some of the keenest local wood carvers had old chunks of toromiro wood hoarded in their personal hiding-places, and a fair size root was brought from a cave and presented to the writer as a treasure ... (Heyerdahl 4)

In Rb3-103 we have a rare example of a glyph where GD13 is horizontally oriented:

The bottom part of the glyph is GD63 (ariki) and the head of the ariki (king) has taken the form of a rei miro glyph.

Otherwise the GD13 glyphs as a rule are oriented vertically with the 'inside of the ship' at right.

6. Next we notice how there are two appendices hanging down from the 'hull' of the 'ship':

They do not depict the 'fins' of a 'fish-ship'. Neither do they represent some kind of paddles for conveying the canoe forward. Instead they are meant as a visual cue for the sickles of the moon. One appendice is oriented forward at the bow and the other backwards at the stern.

South of the equator the waxing moon phase has a form similar to C, a form which we who live north of the equator has learnt means waning moon.

The front 'fin' of rei miro glyphs, therefore, suggests waxing moon and the 'fin' at the stern of the 'ship' the waning moon.

Only seldom do we find GD13 glyphs without the appendages, and if so the orientation of the glyph is reversed, a kind of signal meaning the opposite of the normal interpretation of rei miro glyphs.

In Da1-111 we have a rei miro glyph without appendages, immediately thereafter followed by a normal glyph:

The left of the pair corresponds in its form to the waning phase of the moon (as seen from the latitude of Easter Island).

In Hb5-44 a reversed horizontal rei miro probably is depicted, compare with Rb3-103:

Without the appendages there is a lack of force. The missing head and the arm at right - drawn without hand - are signs conveying the same message. 

"It is an interesting fact, although one little commented upon, that myths involving a canoe journey, whether they originate from the Athapaskan and north-western Salish, the Iroquois and north-eastern Algonquin, or the Amazonian tribes, are very explicit about the respective places allocated to passengers.

In the case of maritime, lake-dwelling or river-dwelling tribes, the fact can be explained, in the first instance, by the importance they attach to anything connected with navigation:

'Literally and symbolically,' notes Goldman ... referring to the Cubeo of the Uaupés basin, 'the river is a binding thread for the people. It is a source of emergence and the path along which the ancestors had travelled. It contains in its place names genealogical as well as mythological references, the latter at the petroglyphs in particular.'

A little further on ... the same observer adds: 'The most important position in the canoe are those of stroke and steersman. A woman travelling with men always steers, because that is the lighter work. She may even nurse her child while steering ... On a long journey the prowsman or stroke is always the strongest man, while a woman, or the weakest or oldest man is at the helm ..." (Origin of Table Manners)

7. The 'hull' of the GD13 'ship' is slim, usually not having the rather fat middle of the rei miro pectorals.

In the middle of the two wooden pectorals (we have seen) is incised a single thin sickle. However, the rongorongo writing system prescribes that in principle only contours should be drawn. Therefore the kind of moon sickle seen incised on the wooden pectorals cannot be incised inside the 'hull' of GD13 glyphs. On GD13 glyphs the sign of the moon is instead conveyed by the two appendages hanging down from the 'hull'.

The thin moon sickles on the rei miro pectorals perhaps explain why the 'hull' of GD13 glyphs (nearly always) are slim.

In Large Santiago Tablet the creator has, though, rei miro glyphs with thick middles, e.g. Ga2-27:

To understand what the rei miro glyphs meant we start by noting where they appear. From that conclusions may then be drawn as to how they were used and their meaning.

The only GD13 glyph in the calendar of the week appears close to the end, in Saturday:

Hb9-51 Hb9-52 Hb9-53 Hb9-54
Hb9-55 Hb9-56 Hb9-57 Hb9-58
In the last (24th) of the glyph sequences in a Keiti calendar we find two rei miro glyphs:
Eb5-29 Eb5-30 Eb5-31 Eb5-32
Eb5-33 Eb5-34 Eb5-35 Eb6-1
Eb6-2 Eb6-3 Eb6-4
The 24 sequences in the calendar all end in a similar way:
1 2 3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18
19 20 21 22 23 24
The Keiti calendar has more rei miro glyphs to offer, for example:
Eb3-1 Eb3-2 Eb3-3 Eb3-4 Eb3-5
Eb5-4 Eb5-5 Eb5-6 Eb5-7 Eb5-8

The rei miro glyphs are here used at the beginning and end of the summer season.

1 2 3 4 5 6
Eb3-4 is located in the 5th period.
7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18
After the 16th period a change occurs in how the mouth is drawn. The body is closer to henua (GD37). Eb5-7 is located in the 18th period.
19 20 21 22 23 24
With red is marked the summer season (12 periods), with black the winter season (also 12 periods).
A 5th and last rei miro in the Keiti calendar is located in the 7th half-month period:
7
Eb3-20 Eb3-21 Eb3-22 Eb3-23 Eb3-24 Eb3-25
12
Eb4-7 Eb4-8 Eb4-9 Eb4-10 Eb4-11 Eb4-12

The legs in Eb3-25 are not in touch with henua, a feature shared with Eb4-12 in the 12th period. Measuring from Eb3-4 up to and including Eb3-25 we find a quarter (6 half-month periods), i.e. from spring equinox to midsummer.

In Eb3-21 we have a glyph relating the 7th half-month period to the 2nd part of the 24th (new year) period, thereby indicating the 1st quarter (from new year to spring equinox).

7
Eb3-20 Eb3-21 Eb3-22 Eb3-23 Eb3-24 Eb3-25
24
Eb6-4 Eb6-5 Eb6-6 Eb6-7 Eb6-8 Eb6-9
Eb6-10 Eb6-11 Eb6-12 Eb6-13 Eb6-14 Eb6-15
16 glyphs
Eb6-16 Eb6-17 Eb6-18 Eb6-19
Having established that in a calendar for the year (or rather in a calendar covering summer + winter) rei miro glyphs were used in connection with the cardinal points (solstices, equinoxes), it is time to once again take up the question about what meaning GD13 glyphs have.

The four seasons defined by the cardinal points (or for that matter the divisions of the day) is not a state of nature which 'primitive' man accepted without deep thinking.

In South America, for example, there were myths which referred to the beginning as either a time when there was constant darkness or when there was constant light, and how it came about that this still world started to move around as we can observe it today.

Other myths described how the seasons were moving too slowly or running to fast, as when Maui had to slow the sun down in order to give his wife enough time to cook their meals.

"HOW MAUI MADE THE SUN SLOW DOWN

One day Maui said to his wife: 'Light a fire and cook some food for me'. She did so, but no sooner had she heated her cooking stones in the earth-oven than the sun went down, and they had to eat their food in the dark. This set Maui to thinking how the days might be made longer. It was his opinion that they were shorter than they needed to be, and that the sun crossed the sky too quickly. So he said to his brothers: 'Let us catch the sun in a noose and make him move more slowly. Then everybody would have long days in which to get their food and do all the things that have to be done.'

His brothers said it was impossible. 'No man can go near the sun', they said. 'It is far too hot and fierce.' Maui answered: 'Have you not seen all the things I have done already? You have seen me change myself into all the birds of the forest, and back again into a man as I am now. I did that by enchantments, and without even the help of the jawbone of my great ancestress, which I now have. Do you really suppose that I could not do what I suggest?'

The brothers were persuaded by these arguments, and agreed to help him. So they all went out collecting flax, and brought it home, and sat there twisting it and plaiting it. And this was when the methods were invented of plaiting flax into tuamaka, or stout, square-shaped ropes, and paharahara, or flat ropes; and the method of twisting the fibre into round ropes. When they had made all the ropes they needed, Maui took up the jawbone of Muri ranga whenua, and away they went, carrying their provisions with them, and the ropes.

They travelled all that night, having set out at evening lest the sun should see them. When the first light of dawn appeared, they halted and hid themselves so that the sun should not see them. At night they resumed their journey, and at dawn they hid themselves again, and in this way, travelling only when the sun could not observe them, they went far away to the eastward, until they came to the edge of the pit from which the sun rises.

On each side of this place they built a long high wall of clay, with huts made of branches at either end to hide in. There were four huts, one for each of the brothers. When all was ready they set their noose and saw that it was as strong as they could make it. The brothers lay waiting in the huts, and Maui lay hiding in the darkness behind the wall on the western side of the place where the sun rises. He held in his hand the jawbone of his ancestress, and now he gave his brothers their final instructions:

'Mind you keep hidden', he said. 'Don't go letting him see you or you'll frighten him off. Wait until his head and his shoulders are through the noose. Then when I shout, pull hard, and haul on the ropes as fast as you can. I will go out and knock him on the head, but do not any of you let go your ropes until I tell you. When he's nearly dead we'll let him loose. Whatever you do, don't be silly and feel sorry for him when he screams. Keep the ropes good and tight until I say.'

And so they waited there in the darkness at the place where the sun rises. At length the day dawned, a chilly grey at first, then flaming red. And the sun came up from his pit, suspecting nothing. His fire spread over the mountains, and the sea was all glittering. He was there, the great sun himself, to be seen by the brothers more closely than any man had ever seen him. He rose out of the pit until his head was through the noose, and then his shoulders. Then Maui shouted, and the ropes were pulled, the noose ran taut. The huge and flaming creature struggled and threshed, and leapt this way and that, and the noose jerked up and down and back and forth; but the more the captive struggled, the more tightly it held.

Then out rushed Maui with his enchanted weapon, and beat the sun about the head, and beat his face most cruelly. The sun screamed out, and groaned and shrieked, and Maui struck him savage blows, until the sun was begging him for mercy. The brothers held the ropes tight, as they had been told, and held on for a long time yet. Then at last when Maui gave the signal they let him go, and the ropes came loose, and the sun crept slowly and feebly on his course that day, and has done ever since. Hence the days are longer than they formerly were.

It was during this struggle with the sun that his second name was learned by man. At the height of his agony the sun cried out: 'Why am I treated by you in this way? Do you know what it is you are doing. O you men? Why do you wish to kill Tama nui te ra?' This was his name, meaning Great Son of the Day, which was never known before." (Maori Myths)

There is another version of Maui slowing down the sun in which the ropes are burnt and cannot catch the sun:

"... he gathered all the coconut husks of his land and rolled the fibre, and he plaited it into ropes of very great strength. But these ropes also were of no use, for the sun-god made them frizzle up.

Therefore Maui took the sacred tresses of his sister Hina, he cut off lengths of Hina's hair and plaited it, to make a rope whose mana could not be destroyed by Ra. He took that noose of Hina's hair, he travelled eastward to the border of the sea; he placed his ropes around the pit from which the sun rises, waited there, he waited for the dawn. Then Ra came up, he came up from the spirit-world which lies in the east.

Maui pulled the cord, he caught the sun-god by the throat! Ra struggled, kicked, he screamed against the sky. 'Then will you go more slowly if I turn you loose?' The sun then promised Maui, 'Let me go, and I will move more slowly, I will make longer days for your fishing'. Since that time, men have had longer days in which to go about their work." (Legends of the South Seas)

The slow and steady movement of the seasons of today are truly remarkable and a proof of cosmic order, a balanced wheel of slow change. A symbol for this wonderful and beneficient order is the canoe.

In a canoe there is order. The weak sit at the stern, the strong at the bow. Nobody stands up. There is only one captain.

Furthermore, the famous South American myth about Amalivaca breaking the legs of his daughters in order to make them stay home - as described and commented upon by Lévi-Strauss - definitely connects the canoe with the cosmic order.

"M415. Tamanac. 'The girls who were forced to marry'

Amalivaca, the ancestor of the Tamanac, arrived at the time of the great deluge in which all Indians, with the exception of one man and one woman who hat taken refuge on the top of a mountain, had been drowned.

While travelling in his boat, the demiurge carved the figures of the sun and moon on the Painted Rock of the Encaramada.

He had a brother called Vochi. Together they levelled the earth's surface. But in spite of all their efforts, they were unable to make the river Orinoco run both ways.

Amalivaca had daughters who were very fond of travel. So he broke their legs in order to force them to be sedentary and to populate the land of the Tamanac ..."

"... the resemblance between the respective names between the demiurges in M415 and M416, in both of which they are subjected to the ordeal of a flood which destroys mankind and then entrusted with the reorganization of the world, suggests that the two symmetrical episodes of theoriginal legless couple and the demiurge's daughters with broken legs should be treated as inverted sequences.

Amalivaca broke his daughters' legs in order to prevent them travelling hither and thither and to force them to remain in one place, so that their procreative powers, which had no doubt been put to wrong uses during their adventurous wanderings, should henceforth be confined to increasing the Tamanac population.

Conversely, Mayowoca bestows legs on a primeval and, of necessity, sedentary couple, so that they can both move about freely and procreate.

In M415, the sun and the moon are fixed or, to be more exact, their joint representation in the form of rock carvings provides a definitive gauge of the moderate distance separating them and the relative proximity uniting them. But, since the rock is motionless, the river below should - supposing creation were perfect - flow both ways, thus equalizing the journeys upstream and downstream.

Anyone who has travelled in a canoe knows that a distance that can be covered in a few hours when the journey is downstream may require several days if the direction is reversed.

The river flowing two ways corresponds then, in spatial terms, to the search, in temporal terms, for a correct balance between the respective durations of day and night ... such a balance should also be obtainable through the appropriate distance between the moon and the sun being measured out in the form of rock carvings ..." (The Origin of Table Manners)

The cardinal points mark where the order is broken (as the legs of the daughters of Amalivaca). Disorder threatens and the rei miro glyphs illustrate the wished for new kind of stability:
5

spring

Eb3-4 Eb3-5
7

midsummer

Eb3-20 Eb3-21
18

autumn

Eb5-7 Eb5-8
24

midwinter

Eb5-32 Eb5-33
24

midwinter

Eb6-4 Eb6-5

We immediately recognize the symbol for spring - a running man (Eb3-5) - the season the preceding rei miro will secure. In Eb5-8 the harvest season (autumn) is illustrated by a fist like a fruit.

In Eb5-33 we have a kind of bird representing the moon. Before the spring season - in the dark first quarter - it is the moon (not the sun) who rules.

As to Eb3-21 and Eb6-5 - at midwinter and midsummer the fate of the next 'year' (period of 12 half-months) is decided.

The rei miro are rich symbols, we have not yet by far exhausted the associations. Fischer informs that it has been suggested that the rei miro wooden pendants may have originated when Captain Cook visited the island in 1774:

... Throughout Polynesia, the word rei signifies a neck ornament of some kind, perhaps internationally best known as Hawaii's lei ('flower necklace'). Easter Island's rei miro ('wooden rei') are without parallel in Polynesia.

However, they display a form that is strikingly similar to the silver crescent gorget worn by Cook's Marine Officer Gibson who accompanied Cook on all three voyages, including the one to Rapa Nui in 1774. Such silver crescent gorgets was prescribed dress for a Marine Officer of the British Royal Navy in the second half of the eighteenth century. Rapa Nui's rei miro were attested only after 1774 ...

Clearly the Easter Islanders quickly must have grasped the meaning of the silvery crescent symbol worn by the officer on duty: viz. to identify the man in charge of responsibilities. The form of the moon is the crescent and it is silvery.

However, the possibility must not be ruled out that rei miro glyphs appeared before the rei miro pendants. Fischer has stated that Mamari was a tablet certainly created before missionary times, and in Mamari we find rei miro glyphs.

"... A gorget originally was a steel collar designed to protect the throat. It was a feature of older types of armour and intended to protect against swords and other non-projectile weapons. Later, particularly from the 18th century onwards, the gorget became primarily ornamental, serving only as a symbolic accessory on military uniforms. Most Medieval versions of gorgets were simple neck protectors that were worn under the breastplate and backplate set. These neck plates supported the weight of the armour worn over it, and many were equipped with straps for attaching the heavier armour plates.

Later, Renaissance gorgets were not worn with a breastplate but instead were worn over the clothing. Most gorgets of this period were beautifully etched, gilt, engraved, chased, embossed, or enamelled and probably very expensive. Gorgets were the last form of armour worn on the battlefield. During the 18th and early 19th centuries, crescent-shaped gorgets of silver or silver gilt were worn by officers in most European armies, both as a badge of rank and an indication that they were on duty. These last survivals of armour were much smaller (usually about three to four inches in width) than their Medieval predecessors and were suspended by chains or ribbons. In the British service they carried the Royal coat of arms until 1796 and thereafter the Royal cypher.

Colonel George Washington wore a gorget as part of his uniform in the French and Indian War, which symbolized his commission as an officer in the Virginia Regiment. Gorgets ceased to be worn by British army officers in 1830, and by their French counterparts 20 years later ..." (Wikipedia)

Rei miro glyphs depict a canoe. At a cardinal point the journey of the (moon) canoe of the sun takes on a new course - the steering must always be done in a straight direction, otherwise your are quickly lost.

In a way it is as if the new season (direction of the 'canoe') is 'born' at the time when the course is changed. The sense of 'birth' therefore adheres to rei miro glyphs. At the beginning of the day, for example, the sun is 'born' to travel in a straight line upwards to noon:

period 1
Aa1-18 Aa1-19

The arm upheld toward the mouth in Aa1-18 is designed to allude to a rei miro canoe (we can see the moon sickle signs). In the first period of the day sun is like a newborn baby. A baby is in charge of the first phase of the day.

This idea - of different 'persons' being in charge of the periods which follow upon each other in a cyclical pattern - is very ancient. It was for example used to determine the order of the days in the week.

"...the Chaldean astrologers introduced the 7-day week which has come down into the present. The number was convenient because the seers recognized seven planets: Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury and the Moon, each of which governed one hour of the day.

If, for illustration, Saturn ruled the first hour of a certain day followed by each of the 'planets' in turn, he also ruled the eighth, fifteenth, and twenty-second hours. Jupiter was lord of the second, ninth, sixteenth, and twenty-third hours; Mars presided over the third, tenth, seventeenth, and twenty-fourth hours, and the Sun took charge of the first hour of the succeeding day.

Since the planet which ruled the first hour gave his name to the entire day, Sunday thus followed Saturn-day, and this was the way the names of the days of the week came into existence out of ancient Chaldean astrology." Reference: Makemson 

We began this excursion by looking at Saturday:
Hb9-51 Hb9-52 Hb9-53 Hb9-54
Hb9-55 Hb9-56 Hb9-57 Hb9-58

From the position of view now established it is clear that in Hb9-56 the birth of a new period (i.e. next week) is announced, or rather secured by way of the moon canoe.

At the cardinal points, i.e. also at the change from one week to the next, man and moon must help with the 'birth' of next 'season'. At solstices sun threatens to remain still, at equinoxes he threatens to move too fast. The end of the week is like winter solstice - sun must be 'kicked' in order for Sunday to come.

I stopped here. But ideas remain. For example: Maybe Hb9-58 illustrates the sun bird who appears next day.

I have written about the manu rere birds in Thursday and Saturday by explaining them as other god rulers than the sun (Jupiter respectively Saturn). No longer am I convinced.

Possibly also the Thursday bird illustrates the sun - in a kava ceremony a faked death occurs followed by bula:

... The cord is decorated with small white cowries, not only a sign of chieftainship but by name, buli leka, a continuation of the metaphor of birth - buli, 'to form', refers in Fijian procreation theory to the conceptual acception of the male in the body of the woman. The sacrificed child of the people will thus give birth to the chief.

But only after the chief, ferocious outside cannibal who consumes the cannibalized victim, has himself been sacrificed by it. For when the ruler drinks the sacred offering, he is in the state of intoxication Fijians call 'dead from' (mateni) or 'dead from kava' (mate ni yaqona), to recover from which is explicitly 'to live' (bula). This accounts for the second cup the chief is alone accorded, the cup of fresh water. The god is immediately revived, brought again to life - in a transformed state ...

... There is a further motivation of the same in the kava taken immediately after the chief's by the herald, a representative of the land. This drinking is 'to kick', rabeta, the chief's kava ...

To 'kick' is to force into action, I think, to get moving again, show signs of life. I thought about rabeta when I wrote that sun must be 'kicked' in order for Sunday to arrive.

The darkest time is a time of non-action, non-life. For light to come again someone has to take the initiative.