Ba1-3	Ba1-16	Ba1-44	Ba3-16	Ba4-8	Ba7-19
Ba8-5	Ba8-17	Ba10-26	Bb3-19	Bb3-27	Bb4-33
Bb5-6	Bb5-7	Bb6-39	Bb7-12	Bb7-22	Bb10-33
Ab1-6	Ab1-45	Ab1-49	Ab1-56	Ab1-60	Ab1-68
Ab1-71	Ab1-75	Ab2-81	Ab3-43	Ab4-4	Ab4-5
Ab5-53	Ab5-63	Ab6-7	Ab6-22	Ab6-82	Ab7-25
Ab8-19	Ab8-21	Aa1-80	Aa1-88	Aa2-25	Aa2-34
Aa2-36	Aa2-44	Aa3-67	Aa3-69	Aa4-11	Aa5-49
Aa5-79	Aa5-80	Aa6-69	Aa6-77	Aa6-83	Aa7-13
Aa7-50	Aa7-51	Aa7-69	Aa8-25	Aa8-43	Aa8-56
Aa8-71	Ca6-5	Ca6-11	Ca7-8	Ca8-27	Ca9-17
Ca11-3	Ca11-13	Cb2-3	Cb4-3	Cb5-16	Cb5-18
Cb6-13	Cb6-14	Cb7-26	Cb9-12	Ea4-20	Ea8-3
Eb2-8	Eb2-11	Eb3-18	Eb5-8	Eb5-26	Eb7-33

17 of the 84 glyphs are redmarked because I regard them as belonging to the tamaiti (GD96) glyph type. A necessary characteristic is the little knob at bottom.

The knob in Ca8-27 is not the one characteristic for tamaiti. Furthermore, tamaiti has no limbs. Yet, I have included Eb5-26 and Eb7-33 - either the 8 respectively 10 outside appendices are not limbs or they are alluding to some other glyph type.

Among the glyphs at which Metoro used the word honu we have two more glyphs to consider:

Question here is first whether they have the right kind of knobs, and I am inclined to think so.

Next question then must be whether the limbs belong to the centrally located person or if they allude to some other glyph type(s). There are three fundamental kinds of honu glyphs, two kinds where the 'arms' certainly belong to the 'turtle' (with both 'arms' and 'legs' respectively with only 'arms') and a third variant where the 'arms' are drawn as separate items, e.g.:

The 'legs' never seem to be part of the 'turtle', they presumably are signs of some kind.

Because there are 'turtles' with 'arms' of their own, those glyphs which show the 'arms' separately drawn presumably indicate that some other glyph type is involved, and in Tahua we have evidence in e.g. Aa8-65 of viri (GD33):

A conclusion we could draw is that the norm for GD17 may be a combination between a limbless honu glyph type, viri and the 'feet' signs. (Though, a transparent viri in front should mean something else than a viri half hidden behind the back.) Possibly the 'feet' represent marama (GD44):

I think we should add Ab4-61 and Ab4-65 to our collection of tamaiti glyphs.

No example of tamaiti glyphs is found among the glyphs at which Metoro said tagata but not honu.

Among the glyphs where he said honu I can find only one more example of tamaiti for our collection, viz. Cb13-24:

The total collection of tamaiti glyphs will therefore have 20 members:

Seen from the other direction - regarding the glyphs at which Metoro said tamaiti - they (remarkably) are also 20 in number (though they are not the same glyphs):

Our collection of tamaiti glyphs must be extended with the redmarked glyphs (which I earlier took away from the GD17 glyphs):

Three redmarked glyphs may be added to those where Metoro said tamaiti, because tama may be regarded as a shorter form of tamaiti. The percentage rises to 17 / 34 = 50 %.

8 of the blue glyphs are refered to as nuku by Metoro. Nuku is GD69 in my system:

Although the legs mostly are present in GD69 they are not necessary and it is the top part, which is without arms, that is the true characteristic of nuku glyphs. The resemblance with tamaiti glyphs is close, but nuku glyphs have not the knob at bottom.

Yet, Metoro cannot have missed the knobs on those tamaiti glyphs he referred to as nuku. Therefore, there should be some similarity in meaning:

Considering the common possible meaning 'people' it is evident that there is a difference: tama implies order, while nuku is characterized by disorder (crowd, throng). Therefore it is probably not that meaning Metoro saw in the tamaiti glyphs.

The only solution I can see is that nuku and tama implies 'female'. When nuku = 'land, country, place' it is female, when tama is tama(ha)hine it is female. The distinction Barthel draws between 'tai and uta' as regards yams respectively sweet potatoes may be relevant:

"Dífferent principles seem to underlie the naming of yams and sweet potatoes, the two species with the greatest number of varieties. The names of yams tend to be arranged in subgroups of six and ten, which are ideal numbers, while the names of varieties of sweet potatoes occur only in pairs.

The difference becomes even more pronounced when typical comparisons are examined. Very often sea animals are used to depict varieties of yams. Of those examples that have been substantiated, I am mentioning only the fish species maito, nohu (Scorpaena histrio), titeve (Diodon hystrix), moamoa tara, and huehue.

To this should be added hetuke ('sea urchin'), mama ('cup shell'), and papaki ('small octopus'). Perhaps the comparison with moko depends on a taxonomy that classifies the lizard as a sea animal.

There are no maritime comparisons among the varieties of sweet potatoes; instead, there are names like 'bird egg', 'egg of the sea swallow', 'newly hatched bird'. Above all, the names of sweet potatoes contain feminine and sexual motifs, such as 'feminine beauty' (renga vie, alternate translation, 'feminine yellow root' - a substance used as paint and as perfume), 'fair-skinned marriageable girl' (uka teatea), 'sucked phallus' (ure omo, see the chant in Campbell 1971:178), and 'semen' (ure vai) or 'phallus that is tied together' (ure hai).

Why is it that only the varieties of sweet potatoes contain such allusions? No other plant on Easter Island has a terminology of this sort. Perhaps some of the old names of varieties are not based simply on realistic description and comparison but contain hidden references.

Neither myths nor cults from Easter Island yields any information about the sweet potato, but if we direct our attention to New Zealand, where a wealth of material about the kumara in available (for example, Johansen 1958:112 ff.), we come across motifs that may help to explain the RAP. names of certain varieties of sweet potatoes.

I am referring to the Pani myth, which deals with the birth of the various varieties of sweet potatoes as the children of a primordial mother, and to the theft of the first tubers, which Rongo carried from heaven hidden under his foreskin (Schmitz 1960:236). Based on this information, several of the older names on the Martinez list can be more readily understood.

For example, okooko (this spelling according to Knoche rather than okeoke) maywell correspond to the same MAO. word that means 'to carry in the arms, or in the lap or fold of a garment', while RAP. ure hai 'phallus that is tied together' seems to refer to the manner in which the theft of the first tubers was committed according to the Maori myth.

This same myth also sheds light on the variety name aro piro, which is still in use. The New Zealand myth states explicitly that the varieties of sweet potatoes were born as children from the aro of Pani. Beyond the basic meaning of 'front side', aro is used in several Polynesian languages as a euphemism for female genitals, for the abdomen, or for the intestines. Therefore, aro piro 'smelling abdomen' could refer to the mythical place of origin or the birthplace of the sweet potato.

The variety name puku also refers to the 'belly', while names such as kauha 'anus' refer to the process of defecation (compare sweet potatoes as excrements in HAW., Handy and Handy 1972:138)." (Barthel 2)

Working in parallel with the glyphs on the Santiago Staff, I stumble on a combination between manu rere and tamaiti:

The glyph (I5-53) does suggest, I think, that tamaiti is the sun child. As such, I imagine, tamaiti is tamâroa (male).