1. To begin with this type of glyph has a resemblance to a human being. However, that does not imply that the person necessarily is human; people (e.g. the Greeks) have always imagined that the gods are similar to men.

"The dominant type had fair to light copper-colored skin, black hair, prominent and almost European features, the ability to grow mustaches; yet had a slight Mongoloid stamp and an imposing stature of nearly six feet. This basic type appears throughout Polynesia, concurs with the common norm of New Zealand Maori, and concurs again with the physical type we have found to be characteristic of the island tribes of the Northwest American coast. These were the islanders who considered themselves normal human beings, the tangata." (Heyerdahl 2)

The stance is that of a warrior, knees slightly bent, head high and ready for the fight.

"A haka is a tribal dance in Maori culture ( New Zealand natives ). Hakas traditionally have various uses in everyday Maori life. They are used to tell a story, to express emotions and opinions, but are best known in their most aggressive form : The Ka Mate War Dance. Warriors used the Ka Mate to prepare for a battle. To focus their strength. To proclaim their powers, To celebrate the triumph of life over death, but mostly to challenge and intimidate the opponent.

Haka performers accompany the rough body moves by rhythmically chanting vocals, crying out loud and grunting. The typical movements of body percussion (like hands slapping against the chest, feet stamping on the ground, slapping the biceps …) are often combined with finer facial expressions (grimaces like showing teeth and the white of the eyes, poking out tongues, sniffing through the nostrils, glaring  …) ..." (Internet)

... Sports teams around the world have been known to perform war hakas immediately prior to international matches, as an alternative to just standing still while the national anthem sounds. The haka reflects the importance of the game, it motivates the teams and their supporters to greater efforts, and, of course, like in the old days on the Māori battlefields, the hakas challenge the opponent in an intimidating way. And crowds go wild … Sports is war. And entertainment. The International Rugby Union Team of New Zealand, the All Blacks, have been doing hakas since 1906. Sometimes hakas written especially for the occasion, occasionally since 2005 a new haka named 'Kapa o Pango', but most commonly the 'Ka Mate'. The 'Ka Mate' generally opens with a set of five preparatory instructions shouted by the leader, before the whole team joins in. These are the words:

The calendars for the year in G and E have autumn equinox located in the 17th and 18th periods. In E the end glyphs of these two periods look nearly the same and differ from those in the earlier periods, showing signs of a gradual adaptation to later arriving end glyphs:

3
	13	14	15	16	17	18

4
	19	20	21	22	23	24

A major season (summer) has been counted up to its full 'body' (or 'person). The measure 20 for full is alluded to in the number of glyphs:

 

17 Eb4-32 Eb4-33 Eb4-34 Eb4-35 Eb4-36 Eb4-37 Eb4-38 Eb4-39 Eb4-40 Eb4-41 Eb4-42 Eb5-1 Eb5-2 is exactly as Eb5-4, a way to link the two periods. This variant of tagata means summer. 7 + 7 = 14 glyphs in period 17 and 6 glyphs in period 18 result in 20 as the sum for the two periods. The measure is full. Eb5-2 Eb5-3 18 Eb5-4 Eb5-5 Eb5-6 Eb5-7 Eb5-8 Eb5-9

"When a Central Australian Aranda youngster is between ten and twelve years old ... he and the other members of this age group are taken by the men of the village and tossed several times into the air, while the women, dancing around the company, wave their arms and shout.

Each boy then is painted on his chest and back with simple designs by a man related to the social group from which his wife must come, and as they paint the patterns the men sing: 'May he reach to the stomach of the sky, may he grow up to the stomach of the sky, may he go right into the stomach of the sky.'

The boy is told that he now has upon him the mark of the particular mythological ancestor of whom he is the living counterpart; for it is thought that the children born to women are the reappearances of beings who lived in the mythological age, in the so-called 'dream time', or altjeringa.

The boys are told that from now on they will not play or camp with the women and girls, but with the men; they will not go with women to grub for roots and to hunt such small game as rats and lizards, but will join the men and hunt the kangaroo.

In this simple rite it is apparent that the image of birth has been transferred from the mother to the sky and that the concept of the ego has been expanded, simultaneously, beyond the biography of the physical individual. A woman gave birth to the boy's temporal body, but the men will now bring him to spiritual birth." (Campbell)

"... When I asked if I could bring one of the archaeologists along on the promised visit to his cave, Atan Atan was at first reluctant, but on second thought he found that this could do no harm since the cave was now mine and would be emptied anyhow. The objects, however, were to be taken directly on board the ship and not shown to anyone before we left the island. Whatever was said and done afterwards would not matter to him, he added.

The stone skull with the peculiar pits on top brought to mind a small and crude stone cranium already found archaeologically behind the Vinapu temple plaza on the south side of the island, and a second examination of this piece showed much to our surprise that here also two deep pits had been carved on the forehead, asymmetrically on each side of the sagittalis ...

Ferdon ... who conducted personal interrogations among the Easter Islanders in his own work team at Orongo, and who was to participate in the opening of Atan Atan's cave, wrote: 'I later learned from quite a different source that such depressions were for placing ground human bone to create maximum power for this key, or guardian stone.' Obviously, this was not an idea originating with Atan Atan and his cave.

On March 18, the day preceding the nocturnal cave visit, I attended an Easter Island wedding in Hangaroa village. During the outdoor feast that followed I was approached by old Victoria Atan, Tahutahu, who grabbed my hand with both of hers and clung on to me, asking me with a friendly but most intense look to bring 'good luck' for herself and her family. It was not then quite clear what she meant, but next day it became evident as two of her nephews performed a rather ludicrous and bizarre rite made up for the occasion in the mess tent of our camp.

Atan Atan and his brother Esteban had asked if they could come to us for a Norwegian meal for 'good luck'. They explained that later that night we were to eat from their own umu takapu, or ceremonial earth oven, which their aunt Tahutahu was to prepare in the neighborhood of the cave.

Esteban Atan was brought along, said Atan, to make up an even number since I had asked to bring along my companion, Ferdon. An uneven number caused 'bad luck'. When I next asked for the participation even of the expedition photographer ... Atan Atan once more felt ill at ease, until again he made our number even: instead of sending away his brother he insisted that his brother's best friend, Henrique Teao, be brought with us also. The senior brother, Pedro Atan, was ill with influenza, but Henrique Teao was just then bringing along logs to our camp to serve as skids, as the group that had formerly erected the statue were now to reveal how these stone giants were transported.

Henrique, who later drowned at sea with his friend Esteban Atan when they tried to escape from the island, had just then started to bring me secret sculptures, and it is not unlikely that the two Atan brothers were aware of the fact.

Our Easter Island maid was relieved for the occasion by the ship's steward as our select little group sat down to a Scandinavian smörgaasbord and whispered about our secrets. The three islanders first made the sign of the cross and murmured a little grace, whereupon Atan Atan looked up and explained as if almost embarrassed, that this was otra cosa parte, 'something apart' from what was to follow.

From then on all conversation continued in a hoarse whisper, and a special phrase composed in Rapanui by Atan Atan was to be repeatedly whispered by each of us as if to convince ourselves, if not the invisible aku-aku, that we were all related 'Long-ears' eating of a Norwegian curanto.

As night fell, Atan Atan became visibly grave and solemn. When the six of us climbed into the expedition jeep to cross the island, beads of perspiration appeared on his face, and he repeatedly had to wipe them away although Ferdon and I, observing his emotions closely, agreed that the night air was anything but warm.

By way of camouflage we filled the back of the jeep with bundles of washing to be delivered at the Vaitea sheep ranch, and further on near Hangaroa village we stole away from the jeep on foot. We left Henrique behind as a guard while we climbed a wall to cross a stony field that took us towards the part of the scattered village area where Esteban Atan lived.

Atan Atan was now almost hysterical. He was terrified that someone might stumble and hurt himself and stated repeatedly that this would mean 'bad luck' for the enterprise. Frequently he reiterated that he was convinced we should have 'good luck' because he had always been kind to others so that his aku-aku was satisfied and no one had yet hurt himself on his land. Nevertheless he was visibly worried about the photographer, who was not a young man. He grabbed his arm and almost dragged him along. The photographer hung awkwardly onto Atan's shoulder as they both struggled to keep their balance across the boulder-strewn fields ..." (Heyerdahl 4)