TRANSLATIONS
Let us now take closer look at the 16 Tahua glyphs categorized by me as GD43 (hoea):
If we 'decimate' them so that only 'simple' glyphs remain, there possibly are left just 10 glyphs:
Here, though, there is subjective judgement involved. First I included also Ab6-36 (note 6 and 36), but the resulting number 11 dissatisfied me. A closer look convinced me that Ab6-36 is a compound involving also GD34. Ab6-35 (immediately before) may have a sign of GD34 too (in addition to GD22, ragi). Following methods used earlier for e.g. GD26 (tara) we should then try to form a structure, based on how the glyphs look and in which glyph line they appear. In the table below, which is the result, it is evident that the 'simple' GD26 glyphs on side a are different from those on side b:
Whereas the top part of the black-marked glyphs tell us '2' the messages from Aa8-14 and Aa8-33 are different. If side b is '2', then side a may be '1', at least in Aa8-33. In Aa8-14 we can see 3 + 1. Another difference between side a glyphs and side b glyphs is that the bottom part in Aa8-14 and Aa8-33 is open towards right ('male'), whereas the glyphs on side b are open towards left ('female'). One exception, though, is Ab4-69. Ab4-69 is close to the 'red' side, only Ab4-68 (immediately before) comes earlier. I think we should see the text:
In these 9 + 9 = 18 glyphs we find 6 maro which (we know) indicate 'finish'. Especially noteworthy is Ab4-67 where the backward oriented maro is attatched to a 'go' (oho, GD29) glyph. The double-headed GD58 in Ab4-71 may tell us about a Janus situation, which strengthens the interpretation of the text as referring to a change of rule. Ab4-80 informs us (together with Ab4-75 and Ab4-77) that the new rule is 'fishy'. The hau tea (GD43) in Ab4-79 shows no sign of the sun, which we earlier have found out:
We once also made a special study of hau tea on side b:
Shorter right vertical lines are 'black', whatever that means here, but Ab1-3 (and those which follow) has a shorter left vertical line.
In Ab1-2 we can see a 'double-eyed' hau tea inside what may be a moon sickle. The 'double-eyed' hau tea in Aa7-9 (with a central vertical line going all the way up to the 'roof') and in Ab4-49 (with short central line) must be remembered here. In Ab1-2 the central line is very short, and that may refer to Ab4-49, from which the later hau tea on side b (except Ab8-53) will have short right vertical lines. Ab4-49 appears to mark a turning point, and Ab4-79 is the first of the hau tea after that. As Ab4-79 is located in the 2nd 9-glyph group (see in the sequence Ab4-63--80 above) the 1st 9-glyph group maybe tells about the situation around the turning point, and Ab4-69 then may illustrate 'before' while Ab4-68 may illustrate 'after':
Yet, Ab4-69 has '2' on top and cannot be painted red. It is a mixture of side b (top) and side a (bottom). Metoro's e haha at Ab4-68 seems to refer to the opening ('2') at the top of the glyph:
The opening at the top of Ab4-68 maybe is a 'mouth'. At the same time the meaning then becomes 'entrance', 'door'. Is the 'entrance' (haha) in Ab4-68 the 'door' into a dark period? We note 'po haha' = darkness, obscure. At Ab4-69, where the bottom part of GD43 opens to the right, Metoro seems to have arrived at a similar explanation as we, i.e. that the bottom part of the glyph signals 'red':
We must also, before moving on, take notice of the two rogo glyphs:
They have an open 'mouth' (haha) similar to the one in Ab4-68. Earlier we met rogo in Aa2-26:
Are there any more instances of the word rogo in the readings of Metoro? Yes, we have two more on side a of Tahua:
We remember the special Aa2-67 which made us think about winter solstice.
Among the 8 glyphs with GD46 as head, ending with Aa4-26, we find rogo as number 6 at Aa4-24. The 2 last among the 8 indicate hua (fruits of different kinds). Neither in Aruku Kurenga nor in Keiti do we find the word rogo. But in Mamari there are two instances:
The reason for the excursion into the rogo subject is its importance for our investigations: "... The seasons - Tau or Kau - of the year were generally two, ... The commencement of the seasons, however, were regulated by the rising of the Makarii stars, the Pleiades, at the time of the setting of the sun. Thus in the Society group, the year was divided into Makarii-i-nia, Pleiades above the horizon, and Makarii-i-raro, Pleiades below - the first from November to May, the latter from May to November. ... In regard to the division of the year by months, the Polynesians counted by twelve and by thirteen months, the former obtaining in the Tonga, Samoan, and Hawaiian groups, the latter in the Marquesas and Society groups. Each month consisted of thirty days. It is known that the Hawaiians, who counted twelve months of thirty days each, intercalated five days at the end of the month Welehu, about the 20th December, which were tabu-days, dedicated to the festival of the god Lono [Rongo], after which the New Year began with the first day of the month Makalii [Pleiades], which day, being the first of the year, was called Maka-hiki (equivalent to 'commencement day'), and afterwards became the conventional term for a year in the Hawaiian, Marquesas. and Society groups ..." (Heyerdahl 6, quoting Fornander) We may assume that Rogo announced 'beginning' also on Easter Island. However, a 'beginning' is a general term which not necessarily means the beginning of a year. Furthermore, we remember that in the Mamari moon calendar I have located the nights Orogo and Orogo Tane at the end of the visible period of the moon. Maybe Rogo denoted 'beginning' for the sun and 'end' for the moon? At Orogo the arrival of the birds in spring announced the beginning of the new light season. In the book 'Ethnology of Easter Island' by Alfred Métraux we find: "... Little is known of the social function of the rongorongo men. We know only that they taught chants in special schools, met once a year at Anakena to read the tablets, and gathered at Orongo during the annual competition of the bird-men ... where they 'chanted all day; they stopped an hour to eat, that is all ..." "... Besides the annual gathering and chanting by rongorongo men at Orongo during the feast of the bird-man, these learned bards met once a year at Anakena to chant for the king. People came from all over the island to hear them 'read' from the tablets. This public 'reading' must be considered as a general contest between rongorongo men and a test of the ability of each. Visitors arrived with huhu (sticks with feathers) to which turmeric was tied, as a courtesy to the king. The food to be consumed during the feast was supplied by the king, who was aided by people of neighboring districts ..." "... Te Haha described to Routledge ... one such gathering, which he attended in his youth: Both King Nga-ara and his son, Kaimako ... sat on seats made of tablets, and each had a tablet in his hand; they wore feather hats, as did all the professors. The rongorongo men were arranged in rows, with an alley-way down the center to the Ariki. Some of them had brought with them one tablet only; others as many as four. The old ones read in turn, or sometimes two together, from the places where they stood, but their tablets were not inspected ... ... In addition to the great day, there were minor assemblies at new moon, or the last quarter of the moon, when the rongorongo men came to Anakena. The Ariki walked up and down reading the tablets, while the old men stood in a body and looked on ..." |