TRANSLATIONS

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Two 'staffs' (or 'poles') on top of each other closely resembles our own idea about a north and a south pole.

We should here remember how the Maori and Moriori fishermen (which are close together geographically), shared the Haida Gwaii concept of staffs on top of each other:

Ana

1. Cave. 2. If. 3. Verbal prefix: he-ra'e ana-unu au i te raau, first I drank the medicine. Vanaga.

1. Cave, grotto, hole in the rock. 2. In order that, if. 3. Particle (na 5); garo atu ana, formerly; mee koe ana te ariki, the Lord be with thee. Churchill.

Splendor; a name applied in the Society Islands to ten conspicious stars which served as pillars of the sky. Ana appears to be related to the Tuamotuan ngana-ia, 'the heavens'. Henry translates ana as aster, star. The Tahitian conception of the sky as resting on ten star pillars is unique and is doubtless connected with their cosmos of ten heavens. The Hawaiians placed a pillar (kukulu) at the four corners of the earth after Egyptian fashion; while the Maori and Moriori considered a single great central pillar as sufficient to hold up the heavens. It may be recalled that the Moriori Sky-propper built up a single pillar by placing ten posts one on top of the other. Makemson.

It is not impossible to imagine how the horizontal poles (as in Tahiti and Hawaii) - which are space-oriented (at corners around the horizon) - must be placed on top of each other: Visualizing the progress of cyclical solar time, beginning at new year with the first pole (Sirius), then advancing to next station when sun has moved up a bit and another 'staff' is needed on top of the first one to hold the sun up, then continuing all the way up to midsummer when all sections are needed.

In winter the staffs are needed on the other side of earth. After midsummer they are therefore gradually disassembled here.

Now to moa:

manu rere moe tagata rere kara etahi vae kore moa
front side side side side side
head up head down head up head up head up head up
upper body front view upper body side view upper body front view upper body side view upper body side view upper body side view
feet forward feet sideways  feet sideways  feet forward feet sideways feet sideways
not tiptoe feet tiptoe feet not tiptoe feet not tiptoe feet  tiptoe feet not tiptoe feet

Metoro used the word moa at several glyph types, for instance at vae kore, which in my classification differs from moa by the 'tiptoe' feet.

At 55 % of the moa glyphs he said moa, no other glyph type - according to my classification - had such a high percentage. The fact that as much as 45 % of his moa are connected with other glyph types should be regarded as a warning sign: my classification is artificial and probably not in harmony with how rongorongo texts should be read.

My classification is not created in order to determine the meanings of the glyphs, the structure is only a way to sort glyphs into useful 'boxes', where it will be easy to find them.

I have not earlier in the glyph dictionary used the first page to present different types of glyphs like this. In the glyph catalogue the table above is presented already at manu rere. Another similar table is presented at tagata.

A few preliminary remarks and imaginations:

1. The picture in moa glyphs appear to show a cock - not a hen (moa uha) and not a youngster (moa taga) but a fully grown and potent rooster (moa to'a):

"While the dog and the pig existed only in the traditions as the shadows of the past, the domestic fowl (moa) that were brought along achieved a position of supreme importance. As a matter of fact, they dominated the island's economy to the point that one is tempted to speak of a prevailing 'economy of fowl'! Their influence, in its many ramifications, touched every aspect of life of the Easter Islanders, including the socioeconomic and the ideologic. As the only permanent livestock, they were an essential part of the islanders' subsistence. 

All sources count moa (Gallus sp.) among the animals imported by Hotu Matua, and the terminology, including figurative terms, is solidly rooted in the Polynesian language. Moa means 'fowl' in general as a generic term, but it also means 'rooster'. On the other hand, the name for 'hen' is formed by adding uha, the general Polynesian addition for female animals. Specific names are formed by adding attributes to moa - such as moa maanga and moa rikiriki for 'chicken', moa tanga for 'young hen or rooster', and moa toa for an especially splendid 'rooster'.

There is an extensive terminology dealing with characteristics of the anatomy and the different types of plumage. It is also truly amazing to what extent types and scenes from the world of fowl were projected upon people and situations. Some examples of 'zoomorphic patterns of speech' will serve to illustrate the point. An adopted child is a 'chick that is being nourished' (maanga hangai). Formerly, a marriageable daughter, as well as a beloved wife, was called a 'hen' (uha). It was a mark of distinction for a grown son or a brave young man to be referred to as a 'rooster' (moa) ..." (Barthel 2)

The virility of a cock was intertwined with that of a chief:

"Up to the present time, fertility spells for fowls have played an important role. Especially effective were the so-called 'chicken skulls' (puoko moa) - that is, the skulls of dead chiefs, often marked by incisions, that were considered a source of mana. Their task is explained as follows: 'The skulls of the chiefs are for the chicken, so that thousands may be born' (te puoko ariki mo te moa, mo topa o te piere) ...

As long as the source of mana is kept in the house, the hens are impregnated (he rei te moa i te uha), they lay eggs (he ne'ine'i te uha i te mamari), and the chicks are hatched (he topa te maanga). After a period of time, the beneficial skull has to be removed, because otherwise the hens become exhausted from laying eggs." (Barthel 2)

The 'wood' from the old 'snag' is used to light the new fire:

... The world of rottenness is the world of the mortals. The Raw and the Cooked:

'... With reference to the contrast between rock and decay, and its symbolic relation with the duration of human life, it may be noted that the Caingang of southern Brazil, at the end of the funeral of one of their people, rub their bodies with sand and stones, because these things do not rot. 'I am going to be like stones that never die', they say'. 'I am going to grow old like stones ...'

Stone is tau in Rapanui, as eg in Tautoru (The Belt of Orion) and Tauono (The Pleiades). Stars are reliable and permanently there (immortal).

But tau is also 'season' (or rather the 'produce of the season'). The seasons are also reassuringly reliable.

Cooking implies mortality, The Raw and the Cooked:

'... comparison between the Apinaye and Caraja versions, which tell the story of how men lost immortality, provides an additional interest, in that it establishes a clear link between this theme and that of the origin of cooking. In order to light the fire, dead wood has to be collected, so a positive virtue has to be attributed to it, although it represents absence of life. In this sense, to cook is to 'hear the call of rotten wood'.

But the matter is more complicated than that: civilized existence requires not only fire but also cultivated plants that can be cooked on the fire. Now the natives of central Brazil practice the 'slash and burn' technique of clearing the ground. When they cannot fell the forest trees with their stone axes, they have recourse to fire, which they keep burning for several days at the base of the trunks until the living wood is slowly burned away and yields to their primitive tools. This preculinary 'cooking' of the living tree poses a logical and philosophical problem, as is shown by the permanent taboo agains felling 'living' trees for firewood.

In the beginning, so the Mundurucu tell us, there was no wood that could be used for fires, neither dry wood nor rotten wood: there was only living wood ... Therefore only dead wood was legitimate fuel. To violate this regulation was tantamount to an act of cannibalism against the vegetable kingdom.'

... 'When I discussed the theme of man's mortality in the South American myths, I showed that they developed it either in the form of the impossibility of rejuvenation or resurrection, or in the complementary form of premature aging ... The North American myths belonging to the lewd grandmother cycle retain this distinction, since, in the first type (the provocative neighbour), a very young hero suddenly loses all his teeth and so becomes a prematurely old man, whereas in the third (the incestous grandmother), a very old heroine succeeds in getting rid of her wrinkles; but even the most famous shamans fail to give her back her teeth: the absence of teeth is responsible for a second death, and this time resuscitation is no longer possible ... It can be noted in passing that the Coast Salish believed in a similar opposition between death from sickness and death by decapitation: only the second was irrevocable ...'

Headhunters want to kill their enemies for good. The enemy will thereby be robbed of his vitality, which will be transferred to the headhunter. The possessor is the owner. What is possessed is an attribute of the possessor.

2. The function of cocks and chiefs to ascertain the arrival of 'fruits' (hua) of all kinds on the island has made me conclude there is a wordplay involved between moa and moai (the statues).

I read moai as moa-î, where the meaning of is 'full', 'abound', 'be plentiful'. For example: ki î te îka i uta, 'as there are lots of fish on the beach'. Makemson has suggested the statues, standing high and erect, to have been raised to guarantee a fertile land:

... the embodiment of sunlight thus becomes, in the form of a carved human male figure, the probable inspiration for the moai as sacred prop between Sky and Earth. The moai as Sky Propper would have elevated Sky and held it separate from Earth, balancing it only upon his sacred head. This action allowed the light to enter the world and made the land fertile ...

The statues are made from stone: mae'a Matariki, Pleiades-stones, according to Churchill. When the Pleiades rose in the east before the sun the male part of the year, the time of rising sun was announced:

... I think it is probable that the Rapa Nui ritual calendar, as that of the Maori, Mangarevans, Samoans, Tongans and other Polynesians began in July following the rising of the Pleiades. On Rapa Nui and many other islands, the Pleiades were called Matariki...

According to Heyerdahl, when the islanders were asked why there were no ure (penis) on the stone giants an old man calmly replied: 'A moai cannot have two ure, he is one himself.' As to the form of the moai statues a famous myth confirms:

"Métraux quotes a Rapa Nui legend in which carvers from Hotu Iti (eastern sector) journeyed to the western sector to seek the advice of a master carver. They were perplexed about how to resolve the difficult problem of carving the statue neck. He advised them to seek the answer by viewing their own bodies. They did so, and discovered that the model for the statue neck was the penis (ure)." (Van Tilburg)

The circuit is hua - moa - hua - moa etc. The 'chicken skulls' (heads of dead chiefs) are used for generating a new generation and the new generation will in turn generate new chiefs. I think the 1st half of the year, counted from winter solstice, is the season of hua - moa and the 2nd half the season moa - hua.