Considering the similarity
between an island and a canoe and the female darkness it is interesting to find
the expression po ihuihu, prow of a canoe in
Churchill. Poike should be the prow, the highest
point of the vessel.
That male stations should have even numbers and female
odd numbers cannot be correct, the males should have odd
numbers and the female even numbers. The 1st station
must be male and then the pattern with
odd-even-odd-even... dictates this rule. And indeed
Nga Kope Ririva Tutuu Vai A Te Taanga at first
glance seems to be
male:
The cardinal points should
be male and have odd numbers. How come that Te Pou
and Poike have even numbers?
The scheme odd - even - odd
- even ... clearly does not make sense here. Maybe the
conclusion to be drawn is that during the night light
and shadow cannot alternate.
I have with red marked where there seems to be no
question about whether 'male' (1) or 'female' (2) is
defined. All 7 stations are 'female'.
Ta'u,
tau(tau) Year (ta'u),
he-hoa ite ta'u, to confess to a
crime committed long ago, by publishing it
in the form of a kohau motu mo rogorogo
(rongorongo tablet). Vanaga.
1.To hang (tau), to
perch (said of chickens on tree branches at
night); rock on the coast, taller than
others so that something can be deposited on
it without fear of seeing washed it away by
the waves; hakarere i ruga i te tau,
to place something on such a rock; tau
kupega, rope from which is hung the oval
net used in ature fishing. 2. Pretty,
lovely; ka-tau! how pretty! Vanaga.
1. Year, season, epoch,
age. 2. Fit, worthy, deserving, opportune;
tae tau, impolite, ill-bred,
unseemly; pei ra tau, system. 3. To
perch. 4. To hang; hakatau, necklace;
hakatautau, to append. 5. Anchor;
kona tau, anchorage, port. 6. To fight;
hakatau, challenge, to defy, to
incite; hakatautau, to rival.
Churchill.
"The Malay word for 'year'
is taun or tahun. In all
Polynesian dialects the primary sense is 'a
season', 'a period of time'. In the Samoan
group tau or tausanga, besides
the primary sense of season, has the
definite meaning of 'a period of six
months', and conventionally that of 'a
year', as on the island of Tonga. Here the
word has the further sense of 'the produce
of the year', and derivatively 'a year'.
In the Society group it
simply means 'season'. In the Hawaiian
group, when not applied to the summer
season, the word keeps its original sense of
'an indefinite period of time', 'a
life-time, an age', and is never applied to
the year: its duration may be more or less
than a year, according to circumstances.
So far our authority
(Fornander, I, 124; cp. 119). It seems
however to be questionable whether the
original sense is not the concrete 'produce
of the seasons', rather than the abstract
'period of time'. It is significant that on
the Society Islands the bread-fruit season
is called te tau, and the names of
the other two seasons, te tau miti rahi
and te tau poai, are formed by adding
to this name." Nilsson. |
I have noticed and thought much about
what Metoro might have meant by his
maitaki at the three 'stones' on a string in
GD53
Now I suddenly realize that it might
have been allusion to tau = pretty.
2. Te Pu Mahore There is a fish in a water hole.
According to Freud we can read the fish as male and
the water hole as female. This station might
therefore be regarded as both male and female. The
name Te Pu Mahore, however, seems to
eliminate hesitation, the station is female:
Pú
1. To come forward to greet
someone met on the road; to walk in front,
to go in front: ka-pú a mu'a, let
them go first. 2. Pú a mu'a, to
intervene, to come to someone's rescue;
he-pú-mai a mu'a, he-moaha, he came to
my rescue and saved my life. 3. Ancient
expression: ai ka-pú, ai ka-pú, tell
us frankly what you think. 4. Hole, opening,
orifice; well; circumference, rotundity;
swirling water; pú-haga, vaginal
orifice; pú-henua (also just henua),
placenta. He pú henua nó te me'e aau,
he-oti-á; ina-á me'e ma'u o te rima
i-topa-ai koe, a placenta was all you
had, it is a past thing now; you held
nothing in your hands when you were born
(stern words said to children to make them
realize that they must not be demanding,
since they were born naked and without
possessions). 5. To dig out (tubers):
he-pú i te uhi, to dig out yams. Vanaga.
1. A trumpet. 2. A small
opening, hole, mortise, stirrup, to pierce,
to perforate, to prick; pu moo naa,
hiding place; taheta pu, fountain,
spring; hakapu, to dowel, to pierce,
to perforate. Churchill. |
On the other hand, the kuhane
saw the little silvery fish (mahore)
Mahore
A fish (small,
silver-coloured). Vanaga. |
who was there to spawn (?). The
kuhane, being female, saw the fish of course,
rather than the hole; the doubt as to the sex of the
station remains.
We must penetrate deeper. I think
this is the place to include a further text from
Manuscript E in Barthel 2, where the explorers, led
by Ira, turned around to look (ira)
everywhere on the island:
"... The canoe continued its
exploration and in a sweep sailed on to Hanga Te
Pau.
They went ashore and took the food
with them. They pulled the canoe onto the beach and
left it there.
Ira sat down with all the
other (companions) and spoke to Makoi: 'You
shall mark the land for me and make it known (by its
names)!'
After that, Ira spoke these
words: 'This is the digging stick (? ko koko),
Kuukuu. You shall work the land for me and
plant the yam roots!'
Makoi named the place Hanga
Te Pau, 'the landing site of Ira'. So
that they would remember (? he aringa,
literally, 'as face'), the open side of Hanga Te
Pau was given this name.
Ira got up. They all climbed
to the top of the hill. They climbed up on the tenth
day of the month of June ('Maro').
They reached the side crater (te
manavai) and looked around carefully. Makoi
said, 'This is the Manavai of Hau Maka'.
They climbed farther and reached the
top. They saw the dark abyss and the large hole (of
the crater Rano Kau). They all said, 'Here it
is, young men, the dark abyss of Hau Maka.'
They made camp and constructed a
house. Kuukuu got up, worked the
ground, and heaped up the earth for the yam roots.
Makoi got up and began to
familiarize himself with the (new) land. (This took
place) on the fifteenth day of the month of June ('Maro').
He went toward the sheer face of the
rocks (titi o te opata), was astonished (aaa),
came up to the middle (of the outer rim of the
crater), and stood at the very edge. He looked down
and saw the 'Pu Mahore of Hau Maka'
(on the coast) and said, 'There it is, the hole of
the mahore fish of Hau Maka!'
He turned his face and looked toward
the back (i.e., in the direction of the crater). No
sooner had he seen how the dark abyss opened up
(below him), when a fragrant breeze came drifting
by. Again Makoi said, 'This is the dark abyss
of Hau Maka.'
He turned around, walked on in utter
amazement, and arrived at the house. He spoke to
Ira, 'Hey you, my friends! How forgetful we
(truly) are. This place is adequate (? tau or
'beautiful'), the dark abyss lies there peacefully!'
Ira replied, 'And what should that
remind us of up here?' All arose and climbed up.
They went on and arrived; they all had a good look
(at the inside of the crater). They returned home
and sat down. Night fell, and they went to sleep
..."
There is a
riddle here, what had they forgot? Barthel does not
comment on it, and I have no clear idea at present
about what they had forgot. There should, however,
be some connection with tau (beautiful).
Barthel can explain why the explorers got ashore at
Hanga Te Pau instead of the place where the
kuhane started (viz. at the three islets):
"The actual landing site of Ira
is located a little farther to the east than the
three islets off shore, which the dream soul of
Hau Maka names first.
According to the scheme of place
names as designations for months, the first four
place names, that is, the encoded months 'Vaitu
Nui' and 'Vaitu Potu', are passed up for
the time being. However, the dates of the voyage
logically explain the skipping of the spatial
distance, which represents the months April and May;
since Ira's canoe does not land until the
first of June, which is the beginning of the month 'Maro',
the landing site has to be in the 'right'
chronological sequence!
Hanga Te Pau lies halfway
between the places Kioe Uri and Piringa
Aniva, both of which are also designations for
the month of June. In this sense, Hanga Te Pau
occupies the correct position in the time-space
scheme.
Instead of turning to the right
(facing the land) in their search for the residence
of the king, the explorers turn in the opposite
direction. From a chronological point of view, this
turning to the left signifies a going back to the
two winter months that have passed.
Considering the conditions in the new
land, building a house on the rim of the crater and
establishing a yam plantation are indeed suitable
acitivities for the new settlers."
It is convenient to once again look at the
coordination tables for our months and the
Rapanui months and for the kuhane
stations:
Vaitu Nui
(April) |
1-2 |
Hora Iti
(August) |
9-10 |
Koro
(December) |
17-18 |
Vaitu Potu
(May) |
3-4 |
Hora Nui
(September) |
11-12 |
Tuaharo
(January) |
19-20 |
Maro
(June) |
5-6 |
Tangaroa Uri
(October) |
13-14 |
Tehetu'upu
(February) |
21-22 |
Anakena
(July) |
7-8 |
Ruti
(November) |
15-16 |
Tarahau
(March) |
23-24 |
Quickly we
could now point to the four glyphs in the 'real' night
as representing the four 'half-months' in April and
June:
But I am
not convinced. Instead I prefer to walk
another way. Te Pou should have an odd number
and to reach that I propose that number 1 be given
to Te Pu Mahore.
Remember that pú means to walk
in front. Standing on the three islets we reach
Te Pu Mahore with the fist stride. The three
islets correspond to 'zero', the starting point.
Makoi does not return all the
way to the three islets, he reaches Te Pu Mahore
and then returns.
I
suggest that we try to set Te Pu Mahore as corresponding
to Pa5-22, Te Pou to be given the new number 7
and depicted in Pa5-31, and that Te Kioe Uri
be connected with Pa5-26:
|
|
|
Pa5-22 |
Pa5-26 |
Pa5-31 |
Te Pu Mahore |
Te Kioe Uri |
Te Pou |
1 |
4 |
7 |
This
suggestion must now be argued for (and against). To
start with, however, we once again repeat the
stations with the numbers given by Barthel:
1 |
Nga Kope Ririva Tutuu Vai A Te Taanga |
9 |
Hua Reva |
17 |
Pua Katiki |
2 |
Te Pu Mahore |
10 |
Akahanga |
18 |
Maunga Teatea |
3 |
Te Poko Uri |
11 |
Hatinga Te Kohe |
19 |
Mahatua |
4 |
Te Manavai |
12 |
Roto Iri Are |
20 |
Taharoa |
5 |
Te Kioe Uri |
13 |
Tama |
21 |
Hanga Hoonu |
6 |
Te Piringa Aniva |
14 |
One Tea |
22 |
Rangi Meamea |
7 |
Te Pei |
15 |
Hanga Takaure |
23 |
Peke Tau O Hiti |
8 |
Te Pou |
16 |
Poike |
24 |
Mauga Hau Epa |
The
'antipode' of Poike, Te Kioe Uri, is
Pa5-26 I have proposed. Obviously the henua
put in the middle of the night is a very strong
mark. We should be on firm ground here (in
understanding Pa5-26 as the middle of the night).
But can we be sure that Te Kioe Uri is the
middle of the night station?
This might, however, be a totally
wrong question to ask. The circuit of the sun over
the year does not need to be precisely mirrored in
the circuit of the sun over the day.
Would it not be a better idea to propose the
'equation' Nga Kope Ririva Tutuu Vai A Te Taanga
~ Pa5-26? I have said that this station of the
kuhane is 'zero'. Wouldn't the henua also
be a 'zero'? The 'kope' is a 'female zero'
and the henua a 'male zero'.
The only argument so far in favour of Te Kioe Uri
~ Pa5-26 is its location among the kuhane
stations exactly in the middle between Te Pu
Mahore and Te Pou, and this argument
builds on the proposition that Pa5-22 ~ Te Pu
Mahore and that Pa5-31 ~ Te Pou.
I must try better. In D'Alleva I find this picture
from New Guinea:
It is a yipwon and I have turned the image
down on its back to limit the space for it (and to
inactivate it). But it should be standing (on its 'single bent leg'). D'Alleva does not go into much
details of any value for us, but from the picture I can 'read' the
following:
The single leg means that we have a
depiction of the central pole around which
everything revolves, like Tohil (in Popol
Vuh) who 'rotated inside his sandal'
"He pivoted
inside his sandal: The verb phrase here is
xub'aq uloq [xubac uloc], 'he drilled hither';
FV gives b'aq as 'to drill'. Just as he had
promised Tohil
gives his followers fire when others had lost it,
acting as a fire drill. He pivots on one leg, which
serves as the drill, and his sandal serves as the
platform.
His one-legged
pose and the fire identify him
with the
Classic Maya personage known to iconographers as God
K or GII, whose fire is usually shown as a burning
torch sticking out of his forehead but sometimes
comes out of the mouth of the snake that serves as
the longer of his legs or (sometimes) his only leg
(Taube 1992:69-79).
Tohil is also a manifestation
of the god called Hurricane
or
Thunderbolt Hurricane elsewhere..."
This interpretatin
of mine is also based on the juxtaposition of solar
and lunar 'ribs' in the yipwon.
Above the 'navel' (the 'head' is at right in the
picture above) we find a picture of the full moon,
similar to this rongorongo type of glyph (cfr
also the midmonth glyphs in the Mamari
moon calendar):
The sickle of the
full moon image (in the yipwon)
is turned with concave side down, thereby forming
the 5th of the 'ribs' of the moon, two sickles for
waxing and three for waning. 5 means darkness
(followed by 'fire') - like
in those 365-360. Full moon implies that 'death'
is due to start, just as we have seen indicated at 'full
noon' in the rongorongo
day calendars.
In the 'rib cage'
below the navel we similarly easily will identify
the 'full sun' in the middle, with 3 ribs above and
3 below = 6, the number for the six solar
double-months in a year. The year is the fundamental
circuit for the sun and the month the fundamental
circuit for the moon.
We should
understand the two 'rib-cages' as symbols for the
rounds which sun and moon perform during their
respective fundamental circuits.
There might be a
faint echo of this idea in Eve being shaped from one
of the ribs of Adam.
To which we should
add that kao (as in Rano Kao)
means the side. At Rano Kao
we are at the bottom, the female side of the island,
at Poike at the
top, the male side.
The yipwon,
on the other hand, has moon high and sun low,
possibly a sign of female strength (it takes effort
to stand up compared to lie down): '... many New
Guinea cultures consider women to be spiritually
dangerous ...' (D'Alleva)
The yipwon
shows us that neither sun nor moon are abolute
powers, instead sun and moon are whirling around
bound by the power of the yipwon.
Of course these
'primitive' peoples knew that the earth was turning
around its axis. Important knowledge never dies,
even if incredibly ancient.
Possibly
it is a reflection of 'yipwon' we see in the henua
of Pa5-26. A 'yipwon' cannot correspond
to the three stars of the Belt of Orion (Nga Kope
Ririva Tutuu Vai A Te Taanganga); 'yipwon'
is male in character (standing up), while the three
islets are lying down (as low as you can get).
I have thereby 'disproved' (to my own satisfaction)
the 'equation' Nga Kope Ririva Tutuu Vai A Te
Taanga ~ Pa5-26.
As to the proposed 'equation' Te Kioe Uri ~
Pa5-26 we should start the discussion by repeating
that a ruler stands up,
and that I have for a long time now considered
henua as a 'ruler'.
The name Te Kioe Uri,
however, indicates the
opposite to a ruler:
Kio'e,
kiore Rat.
Vanaga. Rat, mouse;
kiore hiva, rabbit. Churchill |
Uri
1. Dark; black-and-blue. 2.
Green; ki oti te toga, he-uri te maúku o
te kaiga, te kumara, te taro, te tahi hoki
me'e, once winter is over, the grasses
grow green, and the sweet potatoes, and the
taro, and the other plants. Uriuri,
black; very dark. Vanaga.
Uriuri, black,
brown, gray, dark, green, blue, violet (hurihuri).
Hakahurihuri, dark, obscurity, to
darken. P Pau.: uriuri, black. Mgv.:
uriuri, black, very dark, color of
the deep sea, any vivid color. Mq.: uiui,
black, brown. Ta.: uri, black.
Churchill. |
"The red pigment is understood as
male, and is connected to the flames of the ritual
bonfire, the flowing of animal and human blood in
hunting and warfare, ritual self-sacrifice in
ceremonial contexts, and the blood-red saliva
produced in chewing betel nut.
The peformers prick their tongues and
spit blood on the masks to activate their spirits
before a performance, further enhancing this
connection.
Black, in contrast, is a female
color, associated with the ashes and soot of cooking
fires, the fecundity of earth and mud, and the dark,
wet places where powerful spirits live.
The white of the barkcloth is the
color of the spirits, associated with wet and cloudy
days, misty watering holes, the foam that sometimes
occurs on the beaches and streams and that is itself
associated with afterbirth and the primordial slime.
The patterns painted on the masks
represent various naturla elements: fern leaves,
bird tracks, the trails of caterpillars or snakes.
The masks themselves may represent
pig vertebrae, tree forks, or leaves." (D'Alleva
about Melanesia)
Maybe we should interpret this 'rat' as a 'cat'
(like that head-crushing jaguar in South America). They had no cats
to refer to on Easter Island, so they picked the rat
instead. Remember the creature in the center of the
year of the storehouse:
Two eyes are staring at us, one for each year. Only at
new year does this happen. And uri his colour is.
"The
supreme god Makemake was also carved at
Orongo as a feline figure. Thomson thus said of
some Orongo rock carvings which he estimated
to antedate all others: 'the most common figure is a
mythical animal, half human in form, with bowed back
and long claw-like legs and arms. According to the
natives this symbol was intended to represent the
god Meke-Meke... ' He claimed it bore a
'striking resemblance' to a form he had seen in
Peruvian art.
A
feline figure with arched back,
drawn-up
abdomen, tall legs, and a round head with gaping
mouth is commonly found incised with bird-men on the
Easter Island tablets. Bishop T. Jaussen's much
quoted theory that this animal is a 'rat' is as
farfetched as at all possible and solely dictated by
the fact that rats were the only animals on Easter
Island and, what is more, feline animals do not
exist on any Pacific island.
Yet
felines were present in America and dominated the
religious and symbolic art all the way from Mexico
to Peru since
Tiahuanaco
times,
and, and in Mesopotamia and Egypt, consistently as a
symbol of the creator god." (Heyerdahl 2)
The
'jaguar' appears immediately after 'reed' in the
Mayan (and Aztec) 20-day calendar. 20 stations there
are in the night and day calendar of P. On Easter
Island kohe corresponded to bamboo, similar
to reed. But also sugar-cane (tôa) is similar
to reed. Could the 'reed' (called toa by
Metoro) be the 'yipwon'
~ Pa5-26?
But that was the glyph I had proposed for the 'cat',
Te Kioe Uri. Shouldn't the 'cat' arrive
somewhat later (as in the Mayan / Aztec calendars)?
According to Barthel 2 Te Kioe Uri was
connected with Vinapu:
"The cult place of Vinapu is
located between the fifth and sixth segment of the
dream voyage of Hau Maka. These segments,
named 'Te Kioe Uri' (inland from Vinapu)
and 'Te Piringa Aniva' (near Hanga Pau
Kura) flank Vinapu from both the west and
the east.
The decoded meaning of the names 'the
dark rat' (i.e., the island king as the recipient of
gifts) and 'the gathering place of the island
population' (for the purpose of presenting the
island king with gifts) links them with the month 'Maro'
which is June.
Thus, the last month of the Easter
Island year is twice mentioned with Vinapu.
Also, June is the month of the summer [a misprint
for winter] solstice, which again points to the
possibility that the Vinapu complex was used
for astronomical purposes."
Te Kioe Uri indicates the ruler at winter
solstice, when sun is furthest away from - and north
of - the equator. The distance is about 23.5o,
which corresponds to about 6.5 % of the circle. 6.5
% of 24 hours is ca 1½ hour. 6.5 % of 28 kuhane
stations is not quite 2 stations. That fact that
Te Kioe Uri is 4 stations away from the start
line in form of 3 islets cannot be explained by 23.5o.
It would, though, be more logical to
measure the double time-space, the intertropical
distance. Thereby we get ca 47o
corresponding to about 13 % of the circle, about 3
hours and about 3½ kuhane-stations. Maybe
those 3 hours could be said to correspond to the 3
islets?
Over a year, however, the circuit
measures twice 47o or ca 26 % of the
circle, about 6 hours and about 7 kuhane-stations,
all three numbers resulting from this procedure
reverberating with associations. 26, e.g., is the
number of fortnights in a year.
The full circuit (47o) not
only gives the most interesting results, but would
also be consistent with the idea that the new year
is being born in those 5 extracalendrical nights
(365-360) - the reflection of which we are here
consideringen as an explanation for the darkest
period of the 'day'.
Those 4 dark night stations might, though, possibly indicate the (end of)
the 4th quarter.
I have a hunch that originally the 'dark' (uri)
'rat' (kioe) was neither a rat nor a cat but
a red panda:
"Its Western name is taken from a
Himalayan language, possibly Nepali, but its
meaning is now being worked on. One theory is that
'panda' is an anglicisation of poonya, which
means 'eater of bamboo' ..." (Internet. Wikipedia)
The eater
of bamboo could possibly be translated into this
common calendrical glyph type (which Heyerdahl was
referring to):
"Several Asian
cultures, including that of the
Andaman Islands, believe that
humanity emerged from a bamboo stem.
In the Philippine creation myth,
legend tells that the first man and
the first woman were split open from
a bamboo stem that emerged on an
island created after the battle of
the elemental forces (Sky and
Ocean).
In Malaysian legends
a similar story includes a man who
dreams of a beautiful woman while
sleeping under a bamboo plant; he
wakes up and breaks the bamboo stem,
discovering the woman inside.
The Japanese folktale
"Tale of the Bamboo Cutter" (Taketori
Monogatari) tells of a princess
from the Moon emerging from a
shining bamboo section.
Hawaiian bamboo ('ohe)
is a kinolau or body form of
the Polynesian creator god Kane.
An ancient Vietnamese
legend tells of a poor, young farmer
who fell in love with his landlord's
beautiful daughter. The farmer asked
the landlord for his daughter's hand
in marriage, but the proud landlord
would not allow her to be bound in
marriage to a poor farmer. The
landlord decided to foil the
marriage with an impossible deal;
the farmer must bring him a "bamboo
tree of one-hundred sections". The
benevolent god Bụt appeared
to the farmer and told him that such
a tree could be made from
one-hundred sections from several
different trees. Bụt gave the
him four magic words to attach the
many sections of bamboo: 'Khắc
nhập, khắc xuất', which means
"put in immediately, take out
immediately". The triumphant farmer
returned to the landlord and
demanded his daughter. The story
ends with the happy marriage of the
farmer and the landlord's daughter."
(Internet. Wikipedia)
Which all reminds me about Makoi,
we should continue with his
exploits:
"When it grew light
Makoi arose again. He went
off to further explore the area. He
went along and came to the 'dark
rat'. He looked around and said:
'Here we are at the dark rat of
Hau Maka'. He gave it the name 'Te
Kioe Uri A Hau Maka'.
He went on and came
to Te Piringa Aniva. When he
arrived there, he looked around and
gave the name 'Te Piringa Aniva'.
He went on and came
to Te Pei, looked around, and
said 'Here it is!' So he gave the
name 'Te Pei A Hau Maka'. He
went on, all alone he went on, and
came to Te Pou. When he
arrived there, he looked around and
again said: 'Here it is!' and gave
the name 'Te Pou A Hau Maka'.
He sat down and rested. There was no
bride-donor (tumu) to live
with (? kia ora)."
Pei
Grooves,
still visible on the steep
slopes of some hills,
anciently used as toboggans.
People used to slide down
them seated on banana-tree
barks. This pastime, very
popular, was called
pei-âmo. Vanaga.
Like, as;
pei ra, thus, like
that; such, the same as;
pei na, thus, like that;
pei ra ta matou,
proverb; pei ra hoki,
likeness, similitude; pei
ra tau, system; pei
ra hoki ta matou, usage.
PS Sa.: pei, thus.
This is particuarly
interesting as preserving
one of the primordial speech
elements. It is a composite,
pe as, and i
as demonstrative expressive
of that which is within
sight; therefore the
locution signifies clearly
as-this. Churchill |
Amo, âmo
Amo.
To carry on one's shoulders:
O Yetú i-amo-ai te
tatauró ki ruga ki-te maúga
Kalvario. Jesus carried
his cross up to the Calvary.
Amoga, bundle; to tie
in a bundle: he-amoga i
te hukahuka, to tie a
bundle of wood. Vanaga.
1. A yoke,
to carry; amoga,
burden, load. 2. To bend,
to beat a path. Churchill.
Âmo.
1. To clean, to clean
oneself: he-âmo i te umu,
to clean the earth oven;
ka-âmo te hare, ka
haka-maitaki, clean the
house, make it good;
he-âmo i te ariga, to
clean one's face wetting it
with one's hand. 2. Clear;
ku-âmo-á te ragi, the
sky is clear. 3. To slip, to
slide, to glide (see
pei-âmo). Ámoámo,
to lick up, to lap up, to
dry; to slap one's body dry
(after swimming or bathing):
he-âmoâmo i te vaihai
rima. Vanaga.
Amoamo.
1. To feed, to graze. 2. To
spread, to stretch (used of
keete). Churchill. |
Kete
Purse, basket (made of sugarcane leaves or of totora) kete
hakaraka, gift of regalo formerly made to a newborn baby's mother.
(See, in the traditions, the text entitled "Hens for a Baby's Good
Luck"). The exact meaning of this word is unclear. Ketekete, book
of cigarette papers; omasum, psalterium (ruminant's stomach). Vanaga.
Sack, basket, case, bag, satchel (keete);
kete iti, satchel. P Mq.: kete, ete, sack, bag,
basket. Ta.: ete, id. Churchill. |
At new year the earth oven and the
house should be cleaned out (Te
Pei). Then a new fire should be
alighted (Te Pou). Sirius is
the light bringer.
"During the time when
taboos were strictly adhered to, the
first day that the Sun came out was
marked by the belief that the whole
community must start a new life, so
the children of the camp would go to
each household to blow out the
flames of the qulliq.
After the lamps had
been extinguished the old wicks were
removed and a new wick set in place
and then the lamp would be relit."
(Arctic Sky)
I think we should reinterpret these
nuclear glyphs:
|
|
|
|
Pa5-22 |
Pa5-23 |
Pa5-24 |
Pa5-25 |
In Pa5-24 we maybe can observe the
new light expected; 7 marks around
the bulb on top of the appendix
might allude to the tapa mea
of next day.
In Pa5-23 we have maro (=
end) with 5 marks, presumably
alluding to the 5 'dark nights' at
the time between two years. We have
also a very clear sign of 'closing',
an unusual variant of Y where the
two ends not are open.
In Pa5-22 we ought to observe the
'cleaning out' of the old 'year'. I
guess that such an idea would allude
to the cleaning out of the dead
body, converting it to a dry mummy,
thereby enabling the new life to
emerge out of its 'ashes'.At left we
can see a piece of a henua,
as if being engulfed by the toa.
The appendix is of the nuku type,
presumably telling about the coming
new 'land' (= the day).
The 'engulfing' sign
we maybe saw earlier, in the 2nd period of
the day, e.g. in Pa5-44:
where it could mean
the 'swallowing' of the night which
has ended.